{"id":1974,"date":"2017-10-18T10:30:30","date_gmt":"2017-10-18T08:30:30","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.metropolis.dk\/in-the-name-of-the-people-an-in-situ-blog-post\/"},"modified":"2017-10-18T10:35:03","modified_gmt":"2017-10-18T08:35:03","slug":"in-the-name-of-the-people-an-in-situ-blog-post","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.metropolis.dk\/en\/in-the-name-of-the-people-an-in-situ-blog-post\/","title":{"rendered":"In the name of the people – an In Situ blog post"},"content":{"rendered":"

Through our participation in the network <\/i>In Situ<\/a>, we share blog posts by European journalists examining the state of art in public space. This blog post examines the\u00a0notion of popular and populism used in connection with the term ‘popular art’. It was originally posted <\/i>here<\/a>.<\/i><\/p>\n

By Jean-Marie Durand<\/p>\n

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Kaleider – The Money (Tianjin, China) \u00a9\u00a0Courtesy of Propel China<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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In the face of increasing authoritarian trends, demagogy, discredited elites, and public indifference, public opinion and political leaders are oscillating between popular and populism. Join us as we delve into the modern challenges of democracy.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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“People\u201d, \u201cpopular\u201d. Today there is no political leader who does not claim to be the sole representative of the people. As if, having been mistreated by harsh social measures, the frustrations and hopes of the people are finally worth taking into account. The result is that in 2017, the people are faced with a paradoxical situation in the majority of democracies around the world. They have been weakened and taken advantage of, but have never had so many self-proclaimed defenders, (populist?) leaders who declare that they are ready to stand up for the people.<\/p>\n

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So will the nation be grateful to these populist leaders? Are we going to fall for this trick that is vulnerable to all kinds of subterfuge and manipulation? Who is this people which they claim to represent? From the people to the popular mood, populism to demagogy, the sovereignty of the people to xenophobic nationalism, there are too many blind spots preventing us from clearly understanding the modern-day challenges of the place of the people in a democratic game full of pitfalls. \u201cThere is simply no strict and broadly accepted democratic theory for defining the people\u201d, underlines German political commentator Jan-Werner M\u00fcller, author of What is Populism? (Pennsylvania Press, 2016).<\/p>\n

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Populist Explosion<\/h5>\n

While there is no doubt that we have been experiencing a \u201cpopulist wave\u201d since 2010, we are still struggling to grasp the consequences or understand what it means. The populist explosion comes in a baffling range of diverse and sometimes contradictory forms. It is reflected in the authoritarian style of leaders such as Donald Trump in the USA, Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, Vladimir Putin in Russia, Jaroslaw Kaczynski in Poland or Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines. But it can also be seen in the potential for other political forces in Europe to come to power, with Marine Le Pen\u2019s National Front in France, the FPO in Austria, the PVV in the Netherlands, Beppe Grillo\u2019s Five Star Movement in Italy, and more.<\/p>\n

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Trying to list all these political movements and leaders that claim to exclusively represent the people immediately encounters a problem. In the words of sociologist Eric Fassin in his most recent essay Populisme: le grand ressentiment (Populism: the great resentment) (Textuel, 2017), it is impossible to find \u201ca common denominator in this range of national variations, from one end of the political spectrum to the other\u201d. The whole problem of the word \u201cpopulism\u201d today is reflected in the range of its different meanings. Populism remains ill-defined, despite the countless theories going around. And it is this lack of definition that makes public debate difficult, because both politicians and intellectuals are tearing each other apart over the definition of their latest fad. To summarise, \u201chow can we define something which refuses to be defined, since the meanings of the term vary depending on historical circumstances, national contexts and political uses?\u201d asks Eric Fassin. \u201cIn the terms of philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein, we have to stop looking for a common substance behind this substantive: \u2018as in ordinary language, and it is even truer in ordinary political language, the people and parties that we call populist have a family resemblance, but there is no set of traits that are common to them all, and to them alone\u2019.\u201d What is populism?<\/p>\n

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A way of exerting or winning power? A political style? A clear ideology? A left- or rightwing phenomenon? A way of reviving or breaking free of democracy? For Swiss historian Damir Skenderovic, author of the entry on populism in the second tome of the Dictionnaire des concepts nomades en sciences humaines (Dictionary of nomadic concepts in human sciences), edited by Olivier Christin (M\u00e9taili\u00e9, 2010), \u201cthere are two opposing approaches: on one side, populism defined as a political form \u2013 a style or strategy, and on the other, populism as an ideology, a Manichean doctrine that explains the world as a dichotomy between the people and the elite\u201d. From this perspective, populism establishes a conception of the world that divides society into two homogeneous groups: the \u201cgood\u201d people and the \u201cbad\u201d elite who refuses the mediation systems in place within representative democracies.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Emke Idema – RULEtm \u00a9 Thomas Lenden<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n
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\u201cthe spirit of the people\u201d<\/h5>\n

For German political commentator, Jan- Werner M\u00fcller, populists can be recognised by their \u201cmoral monopoly of representation\u201d. Beyond their geographical and political backgrounds, populists all claim \u201cwe alone are the people.\u201d Such that, for M\u00fcller, populism is not only \u201canti-elite\u201d but also, and especially, \u201canti-pluralism\u201d. And therefore authoritarian. \u201cPopulists do not claim: \u2018We are the 99%\u2019. They claim nothing less than to represent the 100%.\u201d M\u00fcller warns against falling into semantic traps, observing that criticising elites remains essential to his definition, but is insufficient on its own. Populism actually focuses more on \u201cthe spirit of the people\u201d rather than the general will. This spirit of the people is associated with widespread suspicion of representative institutions. \u201cThe era of representative politics is coming to an end\u201d, says M\u00fcller, underscoring the need for \u201ccitizens to have the feeling that they control their own destinies\u201d.<\/p>\n

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The Belgian philosopher, Chantal Mouffe, and author of the recent essay L\u2019Illusion du consensus (The Illusion of Consensus) (Albin Michel, 2016), calls for the creation of a \u201cleft-wing populism\u201d to counter this lack of representation and the abandonment of the people, who are left to their own devices rather than protected from the harmful effects of neoliberal globalisation. She understands the working class voting for the French National Front as a \u201cperverted demand for democracy\u201d which \u201crequires another response\u201d \u2013 a \u201cleftwing populism\u201d. For Mouffe, \u201cthe purpose of democracy is to transform antagonism into agonism\u201d, i.e. to create opposition between \u201cus\u201d and \u201cthem\u201d no longer on the basis of moral criteria, but of political criteria. A democracy worthy of the name should not seek to overcome the opposition between friend and enemy, but to \u201cexpress it differently\u201d. According to this friend of the Podemos political party in Spain, far from being a threat, populism becomes a remedy, giving life back to democracy and becoming a source of salvation for the political left.<\/p>\n

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But over and above the consistency of its perspective on democracy, is this combative vision not likely to revive political violence? For philosopher Marc Cr\u00e9pon, on the contrary, democracy requires us to first consider the open violence in some populist discourse. Populist leaders excite the most negative popular passions, with the intention of making the people believe that they are in sync with their aspirations and will listen to them. In his most recent essay L\u2019Epreuve de la haine. Essai sur le refus de la violence (The challenge of hatred. Essay on the refusal of violence) (Odile Jacob, 2016), Marc Cr\u00e9pon invites us to foster the interest of the citizens in political life by other means, such as dialogue, and to create participatory forms of democracy. \u201cIn the face of the verbal one-upmanship and the trivialisation of force, which are the distinctive traits of our time, we also need a culture of non-violence.\u201d<\/p>\n

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Towards a \u201cCounter-Populism\u201d<\/h5>\n

So how can we get away from the spectre of violence while also combatting the disenfranchisement of the people? Is reason necessarily on the side of the elites, with confusion on the side of the people? Political commentator Yves Sintomer, a specialist in representative democracy procedures, observes that denouncing populism also means clearly rejecting \u201cthe gulf opening up between elites and citizens\u201d. We need not to throw the people out with the populist bathwater. When Marine Le Pen uses her slogan \u201cIn the name of the people\u201d, it is not the call of the people, but her \u201cconception of the people\u201d in ethnic terms, which is problematic, underlines Yves Sintomer (see Lib\u00e9ration, 16 November 2016, \u201cPourquoi tous ces populistes?\u201d (Why all these populists?). More than populism, as such, it is xenophobia, nationalism, islamophobia and anti- Semitism that undermine democracy.<\/p>\n

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This is why, in the words of philosopher Etienne Balibar, it is more important than ever to implement a European, and particularly cosmopolitan, \u201ccounterpopulism\u201d. This opposite concept in reaction to populism involves refusing to give up the sovereign nation to xenophobic nationalism, and to seek above all the \u201cmissing people\u201d, i.e. those who abstain, who no longer believe in the virtues of a social and representative democracy. The only way that we can hope to make the people happy once more is through counterpopulism.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

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Read more blog posts from In Situ here<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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